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Understanding Russia’s Unconventional Narrative of Victory

Considering the strategic landscape of early 2025, with staggering Russian tank losses and a tragic civilian death toll in Ukraine, it is essential to look beyond conventional military analysis to understand Moscow’s behaviour (Oryx, 2025; OHCHR, 2025, p. 1). Russia’s actions since the end of the Cold War are not merely a product of its military hardware or official doctrine. Instead, they are profoundly shaped by the lens through which its elites understand what it means to be ‘winning’.

This perspective, in what academics might term an ‘epistemology of victory’, is not fixed. It has evolved from the Soviet focus on decisive battlefield outcomes to a more fluid set of modern priorities: narrative control, perceived dominance in a crisis, and, above all, the security of the regime itself. These priorities are visible in the Kremlin’s budget choices, its use of military force, and the stories it tells itself and the world (Renz, 2018, pp. 46-52). By examining this internal logic, we can better understand why Russia built the military it has and why its performance, particularly in Ukraine, has unfolded in such a costly and often contradictory manner.

The Real Meaning of Victory

For Western observers, victory is often measured in tangible terms: territory gained, enemy forces defeated. However, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent years of perceived humiliation shattered these traditional metrics for Moscow (Giles, 2017, pp. 1-2; Renz, 2018, pp. 46-52). This triggered a deep-seated need among the Russian elite for a renewed sense of national identity and purpose (Tyushka, 2022, p. 117).

In response, the Kremlin has constructed a new definition of victory. This is rooted in the idea of Russia as a unique ‘civilisation-state’ or the inheritor of ‘Historical Russia’ – locked in an existential struggle with a hostile West. In this narrative, victory is less about battlefield gains and more about safeguarding Russia’s civilisational sovereignty and cultural identity (Tyushka, 2022, p. 116). The goal is to achieve what one scholar calls ‘civilisational immunity’ from Western norms and influence (Suslov, 2018, p. 345).

This makes the narrative itself a form of strategic capability. Controlling the story, both at home and abroad, becomes as important as controlling territory. This logic helps explain Russia’s vast investments in information warfare and its constant efforts to frame international events as proof of Western aggression, thereby justifying its own actions as defensive (Renz, 2018, pp. 74-77; Tyushka, 2022, p. 116).

Guarding the Regime

Nowhere is this focus on internal stability clearer than in the national budget. Despite the immense financial pressures of a prolonged, high-intensity war in Ukraine, the Kremlin has consistently protected funding for its National Guard, or Rosgvardia. This powerful internal security force, reporting directly to the presidency, is tasked with crowd control, counter-terrorism, and suppressing internal dissent.

Even as the Ministry of Defence budget has soared to manage the war, funding for Rosgvardia has remained at historically high levels for 2024 and 2025. This refusal to sacrifice internal security capacity, even as the war effort strains the economy, is telling (Cooper, 2025, pp. 3-8). With around a third of all federal spending now classified and hidden from public view, the Kremlin signals its core priority: the survival of the regime against internal threats is co-equal with, if not more important than, success in external conflicts (Cooper, 2025, pp. 3-4, 6). The message is that the narrative of domestic cohesion and elite loyalty must be maintained at all costs.

This logic also explains the development of certain ‘prestige’ weapon systems. Hypersonic missiles like the Kinzhal, for example, have questionable operational utility but serve a powerful performative function. They broadcast a message of technological virtuosity, contesting Western military-technical dominance and reinforcing Russia’s status as a top-tier power, regardless of their effectiveness on the actual battlefield (Dalsjö et al., 2022, pp. 12, 14).

When Myth Meets Reality

The 2022 invasion of Ukraine was the ultimate test of Russia’s military myths. The initial plan, likely based on the swift, perception-driven operations in Georgia (2008) and Crimea (2014), assumed the same playbook would work on a larger scale. It did not. The opening phase of the war exposed a chasm between claimed capability and battlefield performance, marked by logistical chaos, poor coordination, and a failure to achieve air superiority (Dalsjö et al., 2022, pp. 9-10).

The myth of a surgical, modern military quickly evaporated. Russia’s vaunted precision-guided missiles were expended at an unsustainable rate, with over 1,100 fired in the first month alone (U.S. Department of Defense, 2022). Soon, Russian forces were repurposing old S-300 air-defence missiles for inaccurate ground-attack roles, a move that starkly illustrated the collision between an identity built on technological finesse and the grim reality of material constraints (Army Recognition, 2024).

While the invasion is widely seen as a strategic failure by conventional Western standards (Dalsjö et al., 2022, pp. 7-10), it can be interpreted differently through the Kremlin’s lens. The brutal, high-loss assaults seen at places like Avdiivka in late 2023 (Milevski, 2023, pp. 123-125) can be reframed. Moscow has a documented history of using active conflicts as vicious, but effective, training grounds to forge a more experienced military (Giles, 2017, p. 4). This allows for a narrative of ‘losing as winning’, where today’s tactical losses are presented as the necessary price for creating a more lethal and battle-hardened army for tomorrow.

Conclusion

To understand Russian strategy, one must look past the tanks and missiles and focus on the internal narrative that gives them meaning. Moscow’s actions are driven by a definition of victory where controlling the story, ensuring the regime’s stability, and asserting a unique civilisational status are prized as highly as battlefield success. The war in Ukraine has revealed the severe strategic miscalculations that can arise when this performative, identity-driven logic clashes with the realities of conventional warfare (Dalsjö et al., 2022, pp. 8-11; Grisé et al., 2024, p. xi). For the Kremlin, victory may not be something to be won on a map, but a spectacle to be declared and sustained, no matter the cost.

Bibliography

Army Recognition. (2024). “Russia Repurposes S-300 Surface-to-Air Missiles for Ground Attacks Against the City of Kharkiv.” 5 January.

Cooper, J. (2025). Preparing for a Fourth Year of War: Military Spending in Russia’s Budget for 2025. SIPRI Insights on Peace and Security, no. 2025/04. Solna: SIPRI.

Dalsjö, R., Jonsson, M., and Norberg, J. (2022). “A Brutal Examination: Russian Military Capability in Light of the Ukraine War.” Survival 64(3), pp. 7–28.

Giles, K. (2017). Assessing Russia’s Reorganised and Rearmed Military. Task Force White Paper. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Grisé, M. et al. (2024). Russia’s Military After Ukraine. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation.

Milevski, L. (2023). ‘The Primitivisation of Major Warfare’. Survival 65(6), pp. 119-36.

Oryx. (2025). “Attack On Europe: Documenting Russian Equipment Losses During The 2022 Russian Invasion of Ukraine.” Oryx (blog). Accessed May 2025.

Renz, B. (2018). Russia’s Military Revival. Newark: Polity Press.

Suslov, M. (2018). “‘Russian World’ Concept: Post-Soviet Geopolitical Ideology and the Logic of ‘Spheres of Influence’.” Geopolitics 23(2), pp. 330-350.

Treverton, G. F. and Jones, S. G. (2005). Measuring National Power. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation.

Tyushka, A. (2022). “Weaponizing Narrative: Russia Contesting Europe’s Liberal Identity, Power and Hegemony.” Journal of Contemporary European Studies 30(1), pp. 115-35.

United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). (2025). Human Rights Three Years into Russia’s Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine: Factsheet. Kyiv: United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, 17 February.

U.S. Department of Defense. (2022). “Senior Defense Official Holds a Background Briefing.” Transcript, 21 March.

Russia/EU chess

Examining Europe’s proposed ‘re-armament surge’

Andrew Michta’s Helsinki-Commission briefing, available on YouTube and social media, urges Europe to accelerate the deployment of armour and air-defence to its eastern flank. His logistics are solid, yet the argument remains trapped in a materialist mindset. The Kremlin’s strategic theatre is part gun-count, part morality play; it must perform the role of a besieged civilisation to sustain elite cohesion and domestic consent (Giles, 2021). Moscow therefore magnifies even token NATO deployments, weaving them into a narrative of encirclement. Numbers certainly matter, but myths and interpretations drive policy.

Historically, Western analysis rarely pauses on this critical identity driver. Civilisational framings, or what Marlene Laruelle calls Russia’s “anti-liberal European” self-image (Laruelle, 2016), explain why deterrence sometimes falters when, on balance, an alliance should be the rational option. Michta’s focus on equipment and troop-tallies risks underestimating this discursive asymmetry.

NATO’s dilemma: choreographing presence

The security dilemma cannot just be wished away, but its social meaning can be reframed. NATO now plans to defend forward with rotating brigades rather than permanent garrisons. Visibility is deliberate: forces spend most of their time at home and surge only for exercises, reassuring Baltic publics while limiting imagery that feeds Moscow’s siege myth. Twenty-two Allies already meet the 2 per cent GDP benchmark, up from three a decade ago (NATO, 2024), yet credible posture still requires narrative discipline. Radical transparency, such as publishing force-flow schedules and live-streaming major drills, signals defensive intent and denies the Kremlin the fog in which worst-case fantasies multiply. A minimalist inspection regime, of the kind sketched in recent European Leadership Network workshops, could complement this by addressing Russian ontological insecurity without conceding capability (ELN, 2024).

Lessons from outside Europe

Wargames on a Taiwan contingency reinforce the logic. RAND analysts find that smart sea-mines, road-mobile fires and cheap drones raise the PLA’s operational risk more sharply than prestige carriers (RAND, 2023). Denial assets lower the escalatory temperature while still signalling resolve. Yet capability is not enough: Beijing will test whether the coalition’s political will is socially durable. Expanding informal constructs like AUKUS into routine crisis-response exercises needs to narrate a shared story of status-quo preservation rather than anti-China containment.

South Asia offers a counter-example. The 2025 India-Pakistan crisis, analysed at the Belfer Center, showed deterrence only holding once both sides satisfied domestic identity needs with symbolic strikes before back-channeling de-escalation (Belfer, 2025). Conversely, the Israel–Hezbollah dyad illustrates erosion: CSIS charts a steep rise in rocket exchanges as mutually reinforcing victim narratives demand ever larger demonstrations of “honour” (CSIS, 2024). Deterrence frays when stories that cultures tell themselves are left unmanaged.

Policy implication

Europe’s re-armament is necessary, but insufficient by itself. Credible high-readiness forces must be paired with an information architecture that denies Moscow the dramaturgy it craves. That means choreographed deployments, radical transparency, selective arms-control gestures and a public narrative that casts NATO as guardian of a plural security order, not the shadow of tomorrow’s invasion. Any deterrence strategy that ignores identity politics may well become an expensive repeat of history.


Bibliography

Belfer Center (2025) Escalation Gone Meta: Strategic Lessons from the 2025 India–Pakistan Crisis. Harvard Kennedy School.

CSIS (2024) The Coming Conflict with Hezbollah. Center for Strategic and International Studies.

European Leadership Network (2024) OSCE Workshop Report: Strengthening European Security Architecture.

Giles, K. (2021) What Deters Russia. Chatham House.

Laruelle, M. (2016) ‘Russia as an Anti-liberal European Civilisation’, in The New Russian Nationalism, Edinburgh University Press.

Michta, A. (2024) ‘Why NATO Must Step Up’, testimony to the U.S. Helsinki Commission.

NATO (2024) ‘Defence Expenditures and the 2 Per Cent Guideline’.

RAND Corporation (2023) These Technologies Could Defeat China’s Missile Barrage and Defend Taiwan.

Digital Union Jack / Tank and Drone

Is the Strategic Defence Review an Engineered Response? Rethinking UK Defence in an Age of Bricolage

Abstract

Looking at the situation, the United Kingdom’s 2025 Strategic Defence Review (SDR) projects a confident rationality: an “Integrated Force” designed to deter, fight, and win through “constant innovation at wartime pace” (Ministry of Defence, 2025, p. 14). Yet Moscow’s conduct in Ukraine has revealed a profoundly different strategic grammar. Russia behaves, in Ondřej Ditrych’s terms, as a bricoleur – an opportunistic tinkerer that stitches together ad hoc “assemblages” while actively cultivating contradictions to wrong-foot a rule-bound opponent (Ditrych, 2024, p. 2). This article argues that a defence posture optimised for elegant integration may prove brittle when confronted by such an adversary. It posits that Russia’s dialectical approach is designed to exploit the very linear logic that underpins Western military planning. By contrasting the systemic fragility of Russian bricolage, vividly exposed by the Wagner Group’s implosion, with the SDR’s search for institutional longevity, this analysis suggests that effective deterrence now requires the UK to supplement integration with a capacity for institutionalised improvisation. This ‘controlled bricolage’ is presented as a form of adaptive power, essential for reassuring allies and succeeding in an era of disorderly, attritional conflict.

1. A Strategy of Contradiction

To understand the contemporary threat is to look beyond conventional military net assessment and into an opponent’s strategic culture. Ondřej Ditrych (2024, p. 3) characterises the Russian state not as a grand strategist but as a bricoleur, a tinkerer that improvises solutions from a limited repertoire of available parts. This is more than mere opportunism; it is a dialectical method. It is comfortable with, and indeed actively cultivates, the very contradictions that would paralyse a Western staff college. Russia’s strategy often appears to be a pastiche of mutually exclusive signals: complaining of encirclement while expanding its territory, invoking international law while flouting it, and deploying high-tech weaponry alongside crudely adapted civilian technologies. This is not strategic incoherence but a feature designed to create a chaotic information environment, wrong-footing an adversary who seeks clarity and predictability.

The Wagner Group was, perhaps, the ultimate expression of this method. It was a composite entity that simultaneously functioned as a proxy military force, a resource-extraction enterprise, a political influence operation, and a vehicle for plausible deniability (Ditrych, 2024, p. 3). It allowed Moscow to project power into Africa and the Middle East in ways that circumvented the rules of state-on-state competition. Yet this bricolage has a breaking-point. Such ad hoc structures lack institutional resilience. Wagner’s spectacular implosion following Yevgeny Prigozhin’s 2023 mutiny was not the result of external pressure but of the unbearable internal frictions of the system that created it (Ditrych, 2024, p. 4). This reveals the core vulnerability of the bricoleur: a reliance on improvised, personality-driven structures that can shatter under systemic stress, a stark contrast to the West’s enduring, if cumbersome, search for institutional longevity.

2. The Limits of an Engineered Deterrence

The SDR’s answer to this disorderly world is a renewed drive for rational integration. It proposes a force “integrated by design” (Ministry of Defence, 2025, p. 15-16), directed by a new Military Strategic Headquarters and equipped via a streamlined Defence Investment Plan. The document is, in itself, a signal of intent, a blueprint for a logical, legible, and thereby deterring military machine. However, in applying this lens, it arguably misreads the nature of the challenge. As the RAND Corporation’s work on national power suggests, military effectiveness is not simply a function of material capabilities– the ships, tanks, and aircraft a nation possesses. It depends equally on the efficiency of the conversion process that turns those national resources into usable military power (Treverton and Jones, 2005, p. 18). Russian bricolage is, in essence, a high-speed, high-risk conversion strategy. The UK’s SDR, with its focus on creating new bureaucratic structures and processes, risks optimising its inventory of capabilities while neglecting the need for a truly agile conversion mechanism.

This creates a deterrence paradox, which plays out for multiple audiences. The first, and most obvious, is the adversary. As Keir Giles argues, Russia often discounts material symbols of Western strength, focusing instead on a perceived lack of political will and a hesitation to accept risk (Torun, 2024, p. 667, summarising Giles). A bricoleur state, seeking seams to exploit, is unlikely to be deterred by a show of conventional force that it believes will never be used in the ambiguous ‘sub-threshold’ where it prefers to operate. The second, and equally critical, audience is domestic and allied. Effective deterrence requires not only a credible threat but also the reassurance of one’s own public and partners that the nation can withstand and respond to shocks. This requires a resilient defence industrial base capable of surging production. The SDR acknowledges this, noting that a nation’s Armed Forces are only as strong as the industry behind them (Ministry of Defence, 2025, p. 7), but the deep-seated challenge of moving from peacetime efficiency to wartime industrial mass remains a critical constraint on the UK’s own risk appetite and, therefore, its credibility.

3. Towards an Elastic Architecture: Institutionalising Bricolage

If Russia’s strategic advantage lies in its tolerance for disorder, then an effective counter-strategy cannot lie solely in the imposition of a more perfect order. The UK must learn to fight fire with fire, supplementing its integrated blueprint with a capacity for institutionalised improvisation. This means cultivating a form of ‘controlled bricolage’ as a source of adaptive power. Treverton and Jones (2005, p. 11) noted two decades ago how the information technology revolution would inevitably move action away from slow-moving governments and “toward nimbler organisations.” The SDR’s proposal for an “expert Digital Warfighters group” (Ministry of Defence, 2025, p. 47-49) is a promising, if nascent, step in this direction. For this to become a genuine source of advantage, however, it must be treated not as a specialist enclave but as a guiding ethos for the entire force, empowering small teams at the tactical edge to experiment, adapt, and exploit opportunities at a speed the adversary cannot match.

This, in turn, requires a fundamental shift in the Ministry of Defence’s culture of procurement and risk. It necessitates an embrace of “good-enough” solutions that can be fielded rapidly, with iterative upgrades baked into the process, rather than pursuing perfect capabilities that risk arriving too late. Such an approach accepts that in a state of constant technological flux, some failure is inevitable and should be treated as an opportunity for accelerated learning. This is the logic behind the Royal Navy’s planned regulatory “sandbox” for autonomous systems (Ministry of Defence, 2025, p. 105-106), a concept that must be expanded across all domains. An elastic and adaptive force, capable of improvising under pressure, offers a more credible deterrent to a bricoleur than a rigid one, however powerful. It signals a capacity to endure, to adapt, and to respond effectively amid the very chaos the adversary seeks to create.

4. Conclusion

Arguably, a rationally designed and integrated force remains indispensable for the enduring demands of high-intensity warfare. Integration alone, however, is no longer sufficient. The central insight for UK defence is that an over-optimisation for elegant, systemic coherence can itself become a vulnerability when facing an opponent whose strategy is to weaponise disorder. Power in the 21st century is increasingly a function of adaptability. The challenge, therefore, is to create an architecture that is not only strong but also elastic; one that can, when necessary, fracture gracefully into many semi-autonomous nodes, each authorised to improvise within the commander’s intent. Deterrence means more than pure strength, it is the ability to adapt one’s defence to the changing strategic landscape.

Bibliography

Ditrych, O. (2024). DECONSTRUCTING RUSSIA’S BRICOLAGE TACTICS: Strategic insights for defeating the Kremlin. EUISS Brief 18. Paris: European Union Institute for Security Studies.

Ministry of Defence. (2025). Strategic Defence Review 2025: Making Britain Safer, Secure at Home, Strong Abroad. London: HM Government.

Torun, Z. (2024). Review of ‘Russia’s War on Everybody. And What it Means for You’, by Keir Giles. Europe-Asia Studies, 76(4), pp. 667-668.

Treverton, G. F. and Jones, S. G. (2005). Measuring National Power. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation.

Header image for an article on PGM usage by Russia

Precision Reconsidered: Russia’s Shift from Guided Missiles to Mass Bombardment

Previously Russia positioned itself as a modern power able to cripple an adversary’s decision-cycle with carefully targeted precision-guided munitions. Three years of war in Ukraine have punctured that story. The Kremlin now relies on volume rather than accuracy, trading the prestige of “surgical” strikes for the blunt attrition of drone swarms and repurposed air-defence missiles. What follows traces that transition and asks what it does to Western analytical assumptions about technology, ethics and power.

From Surgical Imagery to Saturation Practice

Pentagon tallies show that Russian forces loosed more than one thousand one hundred guided missiles in the first month of the invasion, yet many exploded in apartment blocks rather than command nodes (Department of Defense, 2022). Domestic production never kept pace. By mid-2023 Russian factories were turning out roughly sixty new cruise missiles a month, a fraction of operational demand (Williams, 2023).

Facing depletion, Moscow shifted firepower architecture. S-300 surface-to-air missiles were redirected at ground targets, increasing miss distances, while Iranian-designed Shahed drones began to pad nightly salvos (Army Recognition, 2024). Guided-missile launches fell steadily while drone use soared, reaching an estimated total of four thousand deployed by the first quarter of 2025 (Atalan and Jensen, 2025). The identity of the high-tech precision striker gave way to the practicalities of magazine depth and industrial capacity.

Implications for Western Analysis

Western security discourse long treated accuracy as a twin proof of technical mastery and ethical restraint (Schmitt and Widmar, 2014; Wilson, 2020). Russia’s practice weakens both pillars. Norms endure through consistent observance and recognition; when a major power claims the vocabulary of precision while accepting wide error margins, the social meaning of accuracy erodes (Tannenwald, 2017).

The episode therefore offers a methodological caution. Counting missiles without attending to their symbolic weight risks analytical short-sightedness. The shift towards low-cost saturation munitions signals a recalibration of Russian strategic identity and alters the deterrence calculus of adversaries who must now defend against continuous drone attrition rather than episodic cruise-missile raids. Civilian resilience, alliance solidarity and arms-control expectations all pivot on how quickly that new reality is understood.

In Summary

Russia’s move from precision-guided missiles to mass bombardment is more than a supply-chain story. It marks the point where an identity built on technological finesse buckled under material constraint, transforming both the battlefield and the normative landscape around it. Analysts tracking future conflicts would do well to remember that weapons categories are not only hardware inventories but carriers of meaning, and that meaning can shift faster than production lines.


Bibliography

Army Recognition 2024. ‘Russia Repurposes S-300 Surface-to-Air Missiles for Ground Attacks Against Kharkiv’, 5 January.

Atalan, Y. and Jensen, B. 2025. Drone Saturation: Russia’s Shahed Campaign. CSIS Brief, 13 May.

Department of Defense 2022. ‘Pentagon Press Secretary John F. Kirby Holds a Press Briefing’, 21 March.

Schmitt, M. and Widmar, E. 2014. ‘On Target: Precision and Balance in the Contemporary Law of Targeting’. Journal of National Security Law and Policy, 7(3).

Tannenwald, N. 2017. ‘How Strong Are the Nuclear Taboo and the Chemical Weapons Ban?’ The Washington Quarterly, 40(1), 79–98.

Williams, I. 2023. ‘Russia Isn’t Going to Run Out of Missiles’. CSIS Analysis, 28 June.

Wilson, N. 2020. ‘The Ambiguities of Precision Warfare’, Intimacies of Remote Warfare commentary, 12 June. 

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